überarb. Nachschrift der Vorlesung im Sommersemester 1949 in Göttingen.

Preventing future crime has become an increasingly dominant function of the criminal law of many liberal democracies. This “preventive turn” has led to a profound debate on the legal and ethical boundaries of the “preventive state.” However, the concept at the core of preventive justice—the dangerousness of the offender—has attracted relatively little attention in the current debate. This is remarkable, as the legal establishment of dangerousness permits intrusive preventive measures, such as preventive detention for an indeterminate period of time. In (...) the past, various concepts of dangerousness have been developed by criminal law scholars. We discuss these concepts in a chronological order to demonstrate how the meaning of dangerousness has evolved over time, and how it has been shaped by concurrent developments in forensic psychiatry and penology. Our description of the state of the art of legal scholarship on the concept of dangerousness also shows the lack of a fully developed theory of dangerousness, and therefore the necessity of further research. We identify five “aspects” of the concept of dangerousness on which scholars have widely diverging views. These five aspects are intended to guide further research on the concept of dangerousness in preventive criminal law. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Max Nordau, Madison Grant, and Racialized Theories of IdeologyJohannes Hendrikus BurgersRecently, Jonathan Spiro has undertaken the Herculean task of recovering the ghost of the conservationist and anti-immigrant racist Madison Grant from a very limited archival record. Spiro’s biography is an invaluable resource that covers, in as much detail as possible, Grant’s life and thought. Although largely forgotten now, in the first half of the twentieth century Grant was a (...) leading figure in the eugenics movement that sterilized thousands of people deemed unfit to reproduce. He was also a prominent advocate of immigration restriction, and he helped southern racists ban miscegenation.1 Like other scholars before him, Spiro argues that Grant arrived at many of his views through the work of such racial scientists as Arthur de Gobineau, Francis Galton, and Houston Stewart Chamberlain.2 While he and other scholars are certainly correct in drawing such a lineage, one unlikely and hitherto unexplored parallel to Grant’s thought specifically, and American eugenics in general, was that of Hungarian cultural critic and later Zionist leader, Max Nordau. By elucidating their intellectual kinship, this paper seeks to reveal the extent to which early twentieth-century transatlantic racial discourse involved widely different actors who were at times unknowingly espousing quite similar racial views for entirely different ends. [End Page 119]The reasons why Nordau’s name has not appeared in relation to Grant are several. First, there is a lack of biographical material on Madison Grant: much of his personal correspondence was purloined or destroyed.3 Consequently, evidence that Grant had been influenced by or even read Nordau is largely circumstantial and inferential, and cannot be verified through archival documentation. Secondly, despite a recent Nordau renaissance,4 and notwithstanding certain key publications, he still remains a somewhat marginal figure in the narrative of late nineteenth century history, especially in the American context.5 Thirdly, and more importantly, after the death of Theodore Herzl, Nordau became the most prominent leader of the Zionist movement at the beginning of the twentieth century. Certainly, someone as committed to Jewish advancement and Jewish emigration to America as Nordau, was hardly likely to share similar racial views with a white supremacist, anti-immigration propagandist, and vicious anti-Semite like Grant. In fact, the only indirect textual connection between the two thinkers is the verbatim use of one of Nordau’s articles by Grant’s racist disciple Lothrop Stoddard; a connection that has only been explored very briefly in a footnote by Nordau biographer Meir Ben-Horin.6 Otherwise, there has been no attempt to see these two thinkers in the same context. Hence, contrary to current scholarly opinion about both writers, this paper will show that they both operated within the same racial framework. While making no claim here of a direct causal relationship between Nordau and Grant, I do contend that during this period there is enough intellectual crosspollination of racial theories to create a significant, not merely coincidental, overlap of ideas. Simplifying early twentieth-century racial thinking into two distinct camps of non-racists and racists is conceptually flawed, even if, as in this case, the ostensible disparities could not be greater.The idea Nordau helped introduce to America, and the idea Grant used later, was that there was a hereditary link between race and ideology. Both believed a person’s racial makeup directly influenced their political ideology. Grant and other anti-immigration nativists used this logic to justify the [End Page 120] exclusion of non-Anglo-Saxon foreigners. Unhealthy, degenerate, foreign bodies presented a danger to the body politic, not just because they were not as productive as the white “Nordics” and therefore caused a drain on the system, but, more significantly, because their inferior type made them susceptible to radical anti-American ideologies like socialism and anarchism. Accordingly, their degeneracy was both an economic strain and a political danger to post-World War I America. The tragic irony is that Nordau’s contribution to the late nineteenth-century racial science was intended to combat increasingly virulent European anti-Semitism. Instead, it ended up in the hands of anti-Semitic propagandists. In fact, at the time that Nordau was urging Jews... (shrink)

CASPAR: JOHANNES KEPLERS WISSENSCH. PHIL. STEL. SC 13 E-BOOK.

This essay is an introduction to a lecture course "Elements of Descriptive Psychology" delivered by Anton Marty in around 1903/04. Marty offered courses on descriptive psychology at regular intervals in the course of his career at the University of Prague. The content of these courses follows closely the ideas of Marty’s teacher Franz Brentano, though with some interesting divergences and extrapolations. The present work is a historical and systematic introduction to an extract from notes taken of Marty’s lecture, with some (...) discussion of the work of Dilthey on similar topics, and of Marty’s influence on Franz Kafka and on the Gestalt psychologist Max Wertheimer. (shrink)

According to Trawny, Heidegger’s Black Notebooks show that he turned away from any National Socialism in 1938 and that his thinking could be “contaminated” by National Socialism and anti-Semitism only between 1931 and 1944/1945. However, in this paper it is argued that already in Being and Time Heidegger had made a case for National Socialism; that he discovered in 1938 the “true” National Socialism, and that Trawny’s main criterion regarding Heidegger’s anti-Semitism is false. Heidegger’s case is compared with Max Scheler, (...) who, because of Hitler, turned from the right to the centre. In addition, alternatives to Trawny’s detailed interpretations of three of Heidegger’s anti-Semitic remarks are offered, it is shown that Trawny misconstrues Heidegger’s anti-Semitism, and the anti-Semitic aspects of Heidegger’s history of Being are presented. (shrink)

Hegels Denken ist keineswegs von bloß historischem Interesse, sondern erweist sich stets von neuem als gegenwartsrelativ systematisch faszinierend. Dies gilt in besonderem Maße für jenes Werk, das für gründlichstes und systematisch anspruchsvollstes Denken unserer Tradition steht: die "Wissenschaft der Logik". Diese Logik ist keine weltlose, sondern schlechthin überall, wo wir auch leben und hinblicken, ist sie ausgebreitet wirklich und gegenständlich - in organischen Bildungen, Gefühlen, Meinungen, Institutionen, Kunstwerken, religiösen Formen, bis hin zu Konstrukten und Zahlen. Alles Natürliche und Geistige ist (...) eine realphilosophisch zu fassende Wirklichkeitsweise von Logischem. Dieser nachzuspüren wird in den Beiträgen dieses Bandes unternommen. Beiträge von Johannes Berchtold, Leo Dorner, Max Gottschlich, Friedrich Grimmlinger, Leo Hemetsberger, Thomas Sören Hoffmann, Heimo Hofmeister, Michael Höfler, Hans-Dieter Klein, Wilhelm Lütterfelds, Wolfgang Pesendorfer, Urs Richli, Josef Simon, Michael Wladika, Kurt Walter Zeidler. (shrink)

Martin Luther; oder, Vom geist der sprache und des protestes.--Johannes Kepler; oder, Die ordnung des sichtbarlichen.--Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz; oder, Zwischen mathematik und musik.--Immanuel Kant; oder, Vom wesen des denkers.--Sören Kierkegaard und der deutsche geist.--Friedrich Nietzsche; oder, Philosophie und verführung.--Oswald Spengler; oder, Die kritik der geschichte.--David Hilbert; oder, Die rechtfertigung der mathematik.--Nachwort.--Schrifttum (p. [200]-204).

"...wenn wir etwas näher zusehen und den Aufbau der exakten Wissenschaft einer genaueren Prüfung unterziehen, dann werden wir sehr bald gewahr, daß das Gebäude eine gefährlich schwache Stelle besitzt, und diese Stelle ist das Fundament. Dem Bau fehlt eine von vornherein nach allen Richtungen hin gesicherte, von äußeren Stürmen nicht zu erschütternde Grundlage, oder mit anderen Worten: es gibt für exakte Wissenschaft kein Prinzip von so allgemeiner Gültigkeit und zugleich von so bedeutsamem Inhalt, daß es ihr als ausreichende Unterlage dienen (...) kann. Wohl rechnet sie allenthalben mit Maß und Zahl und trägt daher mit vollem Recht ihren stolzen Namen; denn die Gesetze der Logik und der Mathematik müssen wir ohne Zweifel als zuverlässig betrachten. Aber auch die schärfste Logik und die genaueste mathematische Rechnung können kein einziges fruchtbares Ergebnis zeitigen, wenn es an einer sicher zutreffenden Voraussetzung fehlt. Aus nichts läßt sich nichts folgern." (Max Planck, S. 5 f. in diesem Buch) Der deutsche Physiker Max Planck (* 23. April 1858 in Kiel, † 4. Oktober 1947 in Göttingen) gilt als Begründer der Quantenphysik. Im Jahr 1919 wurde ihm der Nobelpreis für Physik für das Jahr 1918 verliehen. 1941 hielt Planck einen vielbeachteten Vortrag über das Fundament der "exakten" Wissenschaften, zu denen auch die Pysik gezählt wird. Lange vergriffen liegt sein Vortrag "Sinn und Grenzen der exakten Wissenschaft" nun in einer ungekürzten Neuausgabe, ergänzt um einen illustrierten Anhang, wieder als Einzelpublikation vor. Max Planck. Sinn und Grenzen der exakten Wissenschaft. Vortrag gehalten im November 1941. Erstdruck: Johann Ambrosius Barth – Verlag, Leipzig 1942. Durchgesehener Neusatz, der Text dieser Ausgabe folgt der siebenten Auflage, Johann Ambrosius Barth – Verlag, Leipzig 1965. Für die Neuausgabe 2021 mit sieben Illustrationen versehen. Gebundene Ausgabe - Hardcover - mit Lesebändchen. Neuausgabe, LIWI Verlag, Göttingen 2021. LIWI Literatur- und Wissenschaftsverlag. (shrink)

The kairos is the decisive moment in the course of an event; often a disease or battle. Prior to the kairos different forces interact or fight with each other in changing constellations and with changing fortunes. The kairos, however, is the moment of final decision. If, in the case of a disease, at that moment the “powers of life” prevail, the patient will survive and recover. If, to the contrary, the “powers of death” predominate, the patient will die. The art (...) of medicine consists in recognizing the kairos and supporting the powers of life. In a way, it is only in the kairos that humans have responsibility. They can, and must, influence the course of events. In a strict sense, they cannot but have responsibility, for there is no neutrality in the kairos. The physician must be faithful to his commitment to the powers of life and must not defect to the powers of death. To do nothing is already defection, for it strengthens the powers of death by not supporting and thus weakening the powers of life. It also happens that, in paying heed to the demands of the powers of life in the kairos, some realize that they have been on the wrong side and return to the powers of life. In the kairos, a mixture is cleansed and is reduced to an either-or; either life or death, either socialism or fascism. No longer is there the possibility for a neither-nor, in-between, or balance of the opposites. Several authors experienced the 1920s in Germany as a kairos situation and called upon individuals to take their stand in the either-or. Others recognized that it was precisely the call for the either-or that destroyed life, and they called for a balance of the opposites. One of them was the late Max Scheler, after he himself had propagated the politics of either-or, the politics of decision. Another one was Scheler’s successor in Frankfurt, Paul Tillich. (shrink)

This is the first English translation of the majority of Fichte’s 1807 essay on Machiavelli, which has been hailed as a masterpiece and was important for the development of German idealist political thought, as well as for its reception by figures such as Carl von Clausewitz, Max Weber, Leo Strauss, and Carl Schmitt. Fichte’s essay attempts to resuscitate Machiavelli as a legitimate political thinker and an “honest, reasonable, and meritorious man.” It tacitly critiques Napoleon, who was occupying Prussia when Fichte (...) composed the piece, and calls on the Germans to resist the French. And some have argued that it marks a shift in Fichte’s political thought toward a more realist position. (shrink)

This is the first English translation of the majority of Fichte’s 1807 essay on Machiavelli, which has been hailed as a masterpiece and was important for the development of German idealist political thought, as well as for its reception by figures such as Carl von Clausewitz, Max Weber, Leo Strauss, and Carl Schmitt. Fichte’s essay attempts to resuscitate Machiavelli as a legitimate political thinker and an “honest, reasonable, and meritorious man.” It tacitly critiques Napoleon, who was occupying Prussia when Fichte (...) composed the piece, and calls on the Germans to resist the French. And some have argued that it marks a shift in Fichte’s political thought toward a more realist position. (shrink)